North Korea's Explodes Second Nuclear Test
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On the one hand, this could be seen as another example of saber-rattling by an unstable regime, reacting to the international censure from its missile test earlier in the year. In that regard, it is alarming, but not altogether surprising. It is also somewhat alarming that North Korea has announced that it is abandoning the armistice that ended the Korean War in 1953, but this too can be seen as posturing, although it can't be cavalierly dismissed.
What I find troubling, however, is the U.S. diplomatic response. I've seen a lot of commentary from Washington, be it think-tanks or the government that essentially boils down to "China can do more to pressure the North Koreans." It seems like the U.S. wants to outsource not only jobs to China, but its diplomacy as well.
Lets look at this for a moment. While China has no great desire to see a nuclear power in North Korea, it has a much stronger interest in maintaining Kim Jong-Il's regime. This is because is if North Korea collapses, a few things happen which are not in the interest of the folks running the show in Beijing.
Firstly, if North Korea collapsed, about two million people will rush into north-east China as refugees, creating immense stress on China's poor infrastructure. Secondly, South Korea has a huge investment in China, billions upon billions of dollars. It would in all likelihood, go home to go into building a unified country. Note that China is South Korea's biggest trading partner.
Thirdly, China will be faced with a decision of whether or not to send the People's Liberation Army into the peninsula, raising the dangerous issue of what happens if they meet South Korean or U.S. troops heading north. Fourth, a united Korea would change China's geopolitical position, and not in a positive way. Right now, Beijing has a Communist buffer state on their border. A nutcase state, but at least a Communist one.
Fifth, a collapse would spell an end to Chinese attempts to turn North Korea into an economic vassal state. Currently any resource or industry with the chance of showing a profit is the target of Chinese investment, and a collapse would likely mean that Chinese firms would lose out to the South Koreans. Sixth, what happens to the large ethnic Korean population living on the Chinese side of the North Korean border if unification occurs. Do they start thinking in terms of a "Greater Korea?"
Thus, with a united, capitalist, nominally democratic Korean peninsula, China has a number of problems, and therefore its diplomatic aims in the region are by no means in concordance with those of the U.S. and its allies. If Beijing sees the issue as a choice between a nuclear armed North Korea, and no North Korea at all, they will certainly choose the former.
Therefore, U.S. calls on China to "do more" about Kim's excesses are likely to fall on, if not deaf, at least somewhat unwilling ears. My guess is that China will encourage more talks, and keep the situation percolating but (in the context of the region) relatively stable.
I don't know what the U.S. diplomatic response to this latest created crisis in Pyongyang should be, but I do know it shouldn't be to download it on the Peoples Republic of China.
For some time there have been six party (U.S., North and South Korea, China, Japan and Russia) talks. After the response of the UN Security Council to its April missile test, North Korea announced its withdrawal from the talks, although that too can be seen as posturing and need not be taken as an absolute final word. The talks, which had been going on for years had largely been perfunctory between the North Koreans and everyone except the U.S.
In late April, after the North Korean missile test, Obama named Kurt Campbell, former deputy assistant secretary of defense, to the post of assistant secretary of state for East Asia and Pacific affairs, the key position for handling U.S. policy toward North Korea. Campbell's nomination has not yet been approved by the U.S. Senate. With the latest U.S. government policy toward North Korea not finalized, the Obama administration is still unable to present a clear direction over how to proceed.
It is possible that the test will accelerate moves within the U.S. administration to search for ways to break the deadlock by holding direct talks with North Korea. In 1994, under the Agreed Framework between the U.S. and North Korea, even though Japan was not party to the agreement it ended up having to promise assistance for the provision of light-water nuclear reactors to North Korea and shoulder a huge proportion of the cost involved. But that framework collapsed and the money spent by Japan was ultimately wasted. Japan is unlikely to enter into another such agreement between the Washington and Pyongyang.
An intriguing diplomatic puzzle, and one that looks likely to provide a test of the Obama administration's ability (or lack thereof) to deal with complex foreign policy issues.